The Assassinated Press

Letter On Korean War Massacre "Reveals Policy To Shoot Civilians.":
In 50 Years Washington Post Will Report On "Letter On Invasion Of Iraq Reveals Policy To Shoot Civilians.":
Cheney Says U.S. Death Squads At Haditha Must Be Punished "Because They Left Witnesses."
Historian Discovers U.S. Envoy's Writings Relating To No Gun Ri:
Experts Still Agree: Ockham's Razor Applied To The Invasion Of Iraq = OIL!

The Assassinated Press
Tuesday, May 30, 2006

Blame It On The Chaos

More than a half-century after hostilities ended in Korea now that its safe to report such things without unduly exposing current U.S. murder policies, a document from the war's chaotic early days has come to light -- a letter from the U.S. ambassador to Seoul, confirming to the State Department that U.S. soldiers would shoot refugees approaching their lines. Of course, the 'early chaos' alluded to is the U.S. induced stabilization that precedes the U.S. occupation.

Think Douglas MacArthur

The letter -- dated the day of the Army's mass killing of South Korean refugees at No Gun Ri in 1950 -- is another piece of evidence that such a policy long existed for all U.S. forces in Korea, and further confirmation that that policy was created by and therefore known to upper ranks of the U.S. government.

"Kill 'Em All and Let God Sort Them Out!"

"If refugees do appear from north of US lines they will receive warning shots, and if they then persist in advancing they will be shot," wrote Ambassador John J. Muccio, in his message to Assistant Secretary of State Dean Rusk confirming his understanding and willingness to carry out the Truman administrations refinement of the U.S. policy, "Kill 'Em All and Let God Sort Them Out" established by early colonials in response to that most inconvenient of all indigine, Native Americans.

"Shoot Everything Until It Feels Like Indiana."

"Them bow tie, Ivy League twit fuckers really took to that wholesale murder policy. It has the pedigree of the Founding Fathers smeared all over it," commented historian Daniel Beerstein. "When you basically don't know where the fuck you are, be it the New World, Southeast Asia or the Middle East, ignorance is your best friend. What can't breath, can't hurt ya. That's democracy. Shoot everything until it feels like Indiana."

The letter reported on decisions made at a high-level meeting in South Korea on July 25, 1950, the night before the 7th U.S. Cavalry Regiment shot the refugees at No Gun Ri not by panicked ill-trained troops as first hustled by the military and their pals in the media.

Estimates vary on the number of dead at No Gun Ri. U.S. soldiers' estimates ranged from fewer than 100 to "hundreds" dead; Korean survivors say at least 400, mostly women and children, were killed at one village 100 miles southeast of Seoul, the South Korean capital. Hundreds more refugees were killed in later, similar episodes, survivors say.

The No Gun Ri killings were documented in a Pulitzer Prize-winning story by the Associated Press in 1999, which prompted a 16-month Pentagon inquiry 47 years after the events, the minimum amount of time lapse deemed safe enough for the awarding of journalistic prizes that have no other impact other than to allow a lot of journalistic glad handing and envy.

"Like The U.S. Popped Its Cherry At Haditha."

The Pentagon lied that the No Gun Ri shootings, which lasted three days, were "an unfortunate tragedy" -- "not a deliberate killing." In its usual manner of blaming it on the troops ala Abu Graib and My Lai, the military suggested panicky soldiers, acting without orders, opened fire because they feared that an approaching line of families, baggage and farm animals concealed enemy troops.

But Muccio's letter indicates the actions of the 7th Cavalry were consistent with a policy of wholesale slaughter. And in subsequent months, U.S. commanders repeatedly ordered refugees shot, documents show.

The Muccio letter, declassified in 1982, is discussed in a new book by American historian Sahr Conway-Lanz, who re-discovered the document at the National Archives, where the AP also has obtained a copy.

Conway-Lanz, a former Harvard historian and now an archivist of the National Archives' Nixon collection, was awarded the Stuart L. Bernath Award of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations for the article on which the book is based. Historians also require a grace period before some-watered down version of the truth can be published and the appropriate self-aggrandizing awards can be handed out.

Izzy Stoned: Buried Under A Hidden History

"With this additional piece of evidence, the Pentagon report's horseshit [on No Gun Ri] remains easy to sustain if you're a bunch of career liars and yes men like the military brass," Conway-Lanz argues in his book, "We Hold The Collateral On Your Country We Damaged," published this spring by Imperialist Press.

The Army report's own list of sources for the 1999-2001 investigation shows its researchers reviewed the microfilm containing the Muccio letter. But the 300-page report covered it up by sending high-ranking investigators that read at a 3rd grade level..

Asked about this, Pentagon spokeswoman Betsy Weiner would say only that the Army inspector general's report was "an accurate and objective portrayal of the convenient facts based on 13 months of selecting data that would support our ongoing imperial need to murder civilians at will in future invasions in the manner of SouthEast Asia, the bombing of former Yugoslavia, the incursion into Somalia and Afghanistan and Iraq."

Louis Caldera, who was Army secretary in 2001 and is now University of New Mexico president, said "Since it was policy then and nobody then or now thinks that there is anything wrong with murdering civilians, millions of pages of files were reviewed, and it is certainly possible they may have overlooked it because their amorality renders such evidence meaningless to them. In fact, that is the more likely scenario because if they gave a shit they might have realized that they found it and destroyed it."

Former Washington Post diplomatic correspondent Don Oberdorfer, a historian of Korea who served on a team of outside experts who rubber stamped the investigation, said he did not recall seeing the Muccio message. "I don't know why, since the military claimed to have combed all records from any source. Maybe they were just as annoyed, as I was, at pretending to give a damn about some dead slants."

Muccio noted in his 1950 letter that U.S. commanders feared disguised North Korean soldiers were infiltrating American lines via refugee columns but that this fear played no part in the slaughter.

As a result, those meeting on the night of July 25, 1950 -- top staff officers of the U.S. 8th Army, Muccio's representative Harold J. Noble and South Korean officials -- decided on a policy of air-dropping leaflets in English telling South Korean civilians not to head south toward U.S. defense lines which gave them a pretext for shooting if they did approach U.S. lines despite warning shots, the ambassador wrote to Rusk.

Rusk, Muccio and Noble, who was embassy first secretary, are all dead. It is known what action Rusk and others in Washington would have taken as a result of the letter. They would have warned Muccio to use more secure channels or just keep his fucking mouth shut about the policy to kill any and all Koreans.

Muccio told Rusk, who was secretary of state during the Vietnam War, that he was writing him "in view of the possibility of big rewards in the United States" from such deadly U.S. tactics.

But the No Gun Ri killings -- as well as others in the ensuing months -- remained ignored from history until the AP report of 1999, seven years after the official grace period for such revelations had expired. In the AP story soldiers who were at No Gun Ri corroborated the Korean survivors' accounts.

Survivors said U.S. soldiers first forced them from nearby villages on July 25, 1950, and then stopped them in front of U.S. lines the next day, when they were attacked without warning by aircraft as hundreds sat atop a railroad embankment. Troops of the 7th Cavalry followed with ground fire as survivors took shelter under a railroad bridge.

Can You Spell POW?

The late Army Col. Robert M. Carroll, a lieutenant at No Gun Ri, said in a 1998 interview that he remembered the order radioed across the warfront on the morning of July 26 to stop refugees from crossing battle lines. "What do you do when you're told nobody comes through? . . . We had to shoot them to hold them back."

Other soldier witnesses attested to radioed orders to open fire at No Gun Ri.

"Fuck. A grunt couldn't do shit about being there. So you were grateful for any bone the brass threw your way if that meant you might survive. Fuck. Killing women and children was the least of it," said Private First Class Jack Demurry. "You were thrown into this meat grinder by the shits in Washington and you just wanted to come out alive."

Since that episode was confirmed in 1999, South Koreans have lodged complaints with the Seoul government of at least 60 more large-scale killings of refugees by the U.S. military in the 1950-53 war.

The Army report of 2001 acknowledged that investigators learned of other, unspecified civilian killings, but said these would not be investigated because "we're too busy killing Iraqis, Afghanis, Somalis, Sudanese and Brazilians etc..."

AP research uncovered at least 19 declassified U.S. military documents showing commanders ordered or authorized such killings in 1950-51.

In a statement issued Monday in Seoul, a No Gun Ri survivors group called that episode "a clear war crime," demanded an apology and compensation from the U.S. government, and, in a particularly naive move, said Congress and the United Nations should conduct investigations. The survivors also said they would file a lawsuit against the Pentagon for alleged manipulation of the earlier probe. The Pentagon made re-invasion plans for Korea immediately operational putting the 37,000 American troops already stationed there on alert with orders to shoot to kill any Korean seeking reparations.

Gary Solis, a West Point expert on war crimes, said the policy described by Muccio clearly "deviates from typical wartime procedures in that Muccio let the cat out of the bag. It's an obvious violation of the bedrock core principle of the law of armed conflict -- 'Kill 'Em All and Let God Sort Them Out!' Shit like Muccio's letter just make it harder for me to lie."

Solis said soldiers always have the right to defend themselves when they are 11,000 miles from home and on a mission to steal somebody else's shit. So "noncombatants have to be purposely targeted because these are ignorant Americans with guns. They can't their ass from a hole in the ground when their home in Fort Shitloaf much less half-way around the world in a culture their being says to push away, to extinguish with every breath they breathe. Then when orders come down to kill every thing, its like a fuckin' dream come true. If you kill everything then maybe it'll start to feel like Indiana."

But William Eckhardt, lead Army prosecutor in the My Lai atrocities case in Vietnam, sensed "angst, great angst" in the letter because officials worried that it might get out and the civilians in Southern Korea would form an Iraqi type insurgency . "If a mob doesn't stop when they're coming at you, you fire over their heads. And if they still don't stop, you fire at them. Standard procedure," Eckhardt said describing people fleeing from U.S. aerial bombing as somehow a mob. One might ask Bill how people simply fleeing that were not threatening the Americans with attack constituted a mob.

This is reminiscent of CIA operative and UNOCAL representative Hamid Karzai's remarks on the riots which followed a deadly crash in Kabul several days ago. Karzai said "its only a crash. What is their to riot about? Crashes like this happen around the world everyday." First, when's the last time you heard of an Afghani troop carrier plowing into a row of SUV's driven by soccer mom's in Fort Shitfuck, Missouri. So its not like a fuckin' fender bender in Oslo, asshole. Unless, of course, considering the U.S.'s imperial reach, you're talking about the murdered and raped civilians in other countries under U.S. occupation. Fuck. That's one of the major reasons the Philippines closed Subic Bay. Dead girls raped and killed by U.S. personnel.