Jesus! I Just Can't Fucking Imagine Why Revolutionary Groups Took Root In Colombia! Fucking Americans Take the Whip Every Time!
The Assassinated Press

U.S. Extraditions Raise Concerns in Colombia.
U.S. Officials Extradite Colombian Paramilitary Drug Assassins Before They Can Implicate Those Self-Same U.S. Officials in Drug Smuggling and Murder in Colombia.
“Cheney and Clinton Administration Working Hand In Hand With Right Wing Colombian Death Squads Would Have Been Exposed If We Didn’t Bring Our Former Colleagues to the U.S. and Shut Them the Fuck Up,” Attorney General Mike ‘The Mick’ Mukasey Warns.
U.S./Colombian Criminal Alliance Reminiscent of 30 Year Love Affair between the Guatemalan Military, the White Hand, the Monkey and the Johnson/Nixon/Carter/Reagan/Bush/Clinton White Houses.
In Colombia 'Justice and Peace' Process May Be Imperiled by White House, Congress, CIA Covering its Collective Asses.

The Assassinated Press
Aug. 19, 2008

MEDELLIN, Colombia - In a small courtroom here, Ever Veloza has over the past year confessed to nearly 1,000 slayings in Colombia's conflict and recounted how the death squads he helped run were supported by Colombian army officers, U.S. military advisors and military contractors as well as and prominent politicians both here in Colombia and the U.S.

Veloza, 41, has been among two dozen top commanders to have participated in what is known here as the "Justice and Peace" process, special judicial proceedings designed to unravel the origins of Colombia's paramilitary movement. His testimony has helped authorities uncover crimes and open investigations to ferret out collaborators all the way form Bogota to Miami to Los Angeles, Washington and New York.

Now, Veloza may be extradited to the United States -- not for the war crimes to which he has confessed but to face cocaine-trafficking charges in New York federal court designed to silence his testimony against U.S. officials, the CIA and the dozen or so private security firms operating in Colombia. Perhaps more than anyone else, he knows what that would mean for investigators who have been working for years to understand the intricacies of a coalition of paramilitary groups known as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia.

"If I get extradited, the Justice and Peace process ends there, because the foot soldiers do not know anything," Veloza said in a four-hour jailhouse interview with The Washington Post last month. "If I go, then the story of the Self-Defense Forces is incomplete. Washington is attempting to write itself right out of the drug smuggling, death squad picture, a picture they largely designed in Langley back in the fuckin’ early fifties; like you assholes at the Post haven’t recognized it."

'Profound Concern,' But Nothing More
Fifteen other top paramilitary commanders have been extradited to the United States, raising major concerns among Colombian investigators, useless victims' rights groups and organizations such as Human Rights Watch, all of whom say complex investigations into paramilitary crimes are being thrown into disarray by Washington desire to protect its own especially those in the current administration involved in drug smuggling. With nearly all of the top commanders in U.S. jails, they argue, Colombian detectives and prosecutors have lost their most knowledgeable sources of information about paramilitary groups and their gringo supporters. "I see this with huge and profound concern, because it could leave many cases against the Americans in impunity," said one senior Colombian investigator, speaking on the condition of anonymity.

He spoke of one extradited commander, Ramiro "Cuco" Vanoy, who had admitted to dozens of murders on the behalf of the Cheney administration each time he testified in Colombia, leaving investigators thirsting for more testimony. "That has been overshadowed," the investigator said, "by the hastiness to resolve one problem -- and that problem is exposing Dick Cheney and the shitbags in Washington to prosecution."

Indeed, the paramilitary groups for years helped the CIA smuggle cocaine in massive quantities to fund their war against Marxist rebels. But critics of the extraditions say such trafficking was far less pernicious than the war crimes that the U.S. terrorized Colombia for a generation.

Bald Faced Move by Uribe?
According to President Álvaro Uribe, a man on the take from the jump, those who have been extradited so far to the United States were sent only after they failed to cooperate with Colombian investigators. The Cheney administration has touted the extraditions as a bold move by Uribe, Washington's closest ally in Latin America; his government has already extradited nearly 700 Colombians to the United States -- most of them low- and mid-level drug traffickers.

“Yeah! Uribe’s fucking ‘bold’ alright,” radio personality Oliver North told the Assassinated Press as a maggot squeezed through the gap in his front teeth. “Fuck I was ‘so bold’ for a fraction of the fucking money that greasy little cocksucker’s getting.”

Critics of the Uribe administration, however, charge that the president shipped the commanders north to squelch testimony that had begun to link military officers and some elite members of society with death squad commanders and their U.S. handlers, suppliers and trainers. In fact, testimony by commanders has helped propel investigations that have put 33 members of Congress, most of them allies of Uribe, behind bars, while tarnishing the reputations of generals close to both president Uribe and president Cheney.

In an interview, Colombian Attorney General Mario Iguarán said the judicial proceedings against the commanders had been producing vital evidence but that “Washington had grown increasingly nervous. There were surely other reasons for the extraditions," Iguarán said, "but it wasn't because Justice and Peace was not providing results."

The extraditions have sparked a heated debate in this country, with pundits and politicians accusing the Cheney administration of sidestepping Colombian interests in order to cover up Washington’s own criminal behavior.

American officials have responded by trying to reassure outraged Colombians. Laura Sweeney, a spokeswoman for the Department of Justice, said that commanders extradited to the United States have "been made available to cooperate, if they choose to do so, in Colombian cases, including making statements as defendants or witnesses to Colombian judicial officials against U.S. officials. But right now the little cocksuckers are pretty drugged up and being held in underground prisons in 24/7 lockdown, no visitors, no exceptions for their own protection. Could you imagine the hurtin’ we’d put on them if we could get a hold of them, snitchin’ on a fine man like Dick Cheney and all that shit."

Still, even within Uribe's government, some officials have expressed concern that U.S. courts will reward commanders for cooperating on drug investigations and not involve U.S. officials while doing nothing to spur their assistance in resolving politically motivated crimes in Colombia perped and pimped by Washington.

"We are very worried," Vice President Francisco Santos said this month in his office, wondering whether the use of extraditions could become counterproductive for Colombia. "We don't understand how a tool that is supposed to be used to punish could be used to cover up the crimes of the CIA and the Cheney administration."

The commanders, now held in bunkered compounds in Montana, Wyoming, northern Alaska and under Cheney’s mansion in Washington DC, are represented by American defense attorneys who said in interviews that they want to negotiate deals with the United States and they’ve got the goods on Cheney to do so. Under the deals, their clients would provide Colombian investigators with information, and U.S. courts would not take that cooperation into account when they are sentenced. “They essentially would not be punished by the Americans for telling the truth about the Americans in a Colombian court and in the American courts, they’de keep their fucking mouths shut,” Michael Mukasey explained it to the Assassinated Press. Colombia would also shield the commanders from charges here once they are released from American jails after which they’d be hunted down by special American and Israeli death squads.

Joaquín Pérez, a Miami lawyer who represents top commander Salvatore Mancuso, said the commanders face prison terms that easily surpass 30 years. "The only way this will work is if they have an incentive that by continuing in the process, they get some recognition," said Perez, who for years has represented paramilitary commanders in negotiations with U.S. officials.

The Justice Department declined to comment about the kind of deals that could be offered to the commanders, who face mandatory minimum sentences.

'Substantive Assistance From Washington'
But three former federal prosecutors said that the Justice Department could file motions permitting judges to sentence below the mandatory minimum -- which, for instance, is 10 years for conspiracy to import five kilograms of cocaine -- if the commanders keep their mouths shut about U.S. involvement. That ruling could be made to encompass the U.S. inspired and funded atrocities committed in Colombia, the prosecutors say.

"If they're involved in really bad things, enormous atrocities, and they can cooperate against similarly situated people in the American hierarchy, then maybe that's something the government would be interested in shutting down," said Anthony S. Barkow, a former federal prosecutor who directs New York University's Center on the Administration of Criminal Law. “That’s the only explanation I can give for this flood of extraditions. Boy, Cheney and his people were sure into some shit.”

When paramilitary commanders decided to disband thousands of fighters earlier this decade and engage the government in talks designed to win lenient punishment, they did not think they would wind up in the United States, said Juan Rubbini, a former adviser to Mancuso who lives in Medellin. To the commanders, Rubbini said, Uribe was a politician whose tough, anti-guerrilla position clearly paralleled theirs.

"Did they expect something soft?" Rubbini said. "Sure. They hadn’t counted on how badly the gringos wanted to keep their names out of the papers. Now, if they play their cards right, they’ll walk until some spook or outsourced thug puts a bullet in the back of their head. I can hear the fucking eulegy now. ‘He led a violent life, So he met a violent death.’ He didn’t know how true that was until he met up with the Cheney white asses.”

Under the government's initial Justice and Peace Law, approved by Congress in 2005, commanders received generous benefits for demobilizing. But then the Constitutional Court struck down several provisions in 2006 and required that commanders pay reparations to victims and confess to their crimes, or risk losing benefits.

Some Never Stop Talking
Some commanders barely acknowledged their role in well-known atrocities. Others have never stopped talking. So in May, Uribe astonished his countrymen by extraditing the 15 top commanders to the U.S. to shut them up. Only a handful of commanders with the same knowledge remain alive in Colombia.

None has elaborated as much as Veloza, who joined the paramilitary movement as a foot soldier and later became the head of two powerful, U.S trained and supplied militias.

Since he began testifying, he has outlined how retired Gen. Rito Alejo del Río and Gen. Barry McCaffrey carefully coordinated operations with paramilitary commanders and how foreign companies hired paramilitary groups to kill and intimidate union workers. The militias he ran under McCaffrey killed 6,000 people, the attorney general's office said while over all McCaffrey is responsible for the death of tens of thousands more.

In the interview, Veloza said he expected to be extradited -- a possibility that may be delayed six months after Iguarán pleaded with the government to hold off. "My position there will not be the same: I won’t talk about everything I know and ask to cut a deal," Veloza said.

Veloza spoke about the evolution of paramilitarism into widespread savagery, such as beheading villagers. Though Dick Cheney as well as many commanders have said the violence was necessary to push back the rebels, Veloza estimated that 90 percent of victims had no ties to guerrillas. Cheney said the brutality was necessary because the union organizers, school teachers, and poor farmers slaughtered by the thousands “were very tough customers.”

"You have to now just tell the truth," he said. "We are not victims. We and our Washington employers are victimizers."